Stalin and Pradhan are both right; Let’s call it a draw

(Left) MK Stalin: (Right) Dharmendra Pradhan
(Left) MK Stalin: (Right) Dharmendra Pradhan

The recent spat between Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin and Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan over the National Education Policy (NEP) has once again drawn attention to a vexed and complicated issue. The debate over the implementation of the NEP in India has been particularly intense in Tamil Nadu. The core of the argument revolves around the three-language formula proposed by the NEP, which suggests that students learn three languages: the language of the state, English and Hindi. Tamil Nadu has historically adhered to a two-language policy, teaching only Tamil and English in the state’s schools.

Chief Minister Stalin has been a vocal critic of the NEP, arguing that it imposes Hindi on non-Hindi-speaking states and undermines Tamil linguistic heritage. Tamil Nadu has historically been in the forefront of resistance to “Hindi imposition”, with passionate agitations and language riots having taken place over the years. Tamil Nadu is the only state not to host any Jawaharlal Navodaya Vidyalayas, financed by the Central government, because those schools teach Hindi as a compulsory subject.

In keeping with this track record, Stalin has accused the central government of using the NEP to push a political agenda and has vowed not to implement it in Tamil Nadu. The CM has also expressed concerns that the NEP could create hurdles for children from marginalized communities in the state. 'Do not throw stones at a beehive,' he declared, warning that the Union government’s stand would be seen as a provocation.

Union Education Minister Pradhan, on the other hand, has defended the NEP, stating that it does not impose any language and aims to broaden educational opportunities. He has urged Tamil Nadu to rise above political differences and implement the policy for the benefit of students. Pradhan has also criticized Stalin for viewing the NEP with a "myopic vision" and spinning progressive reforms into political threats.

The debate has escalated with strong rhetoric from both sides. Stalin has warned the central government not to provoke Tamil people and has accused it of blackmail by linking the release of education funds to the implementation of the NEP. Pradhan has countered by emphasizing the importance of multilingualism and the benefits of the NEP for educational equality. In the process, the argument has highlighted the broader issues of state autonomy, linguistic diversity, and the centralization of educational policies in India.

The truth is that the implementation of the three-language formula across India has been varied, with different states adopting different approaches based on their linguistic and cultural contexts. The logic of the formula was supposed to be that in Hindi-speaking states, the schools would typically teach Hindi, English, and a modern Indian language (preferably -- it was clearly assumed -- a South Indian language). But no north Indian state actually offers courses in south Indian languages. Haryana, for instance, has implemented the three-language formula for Classes IX and X, making English and Hindi mandatory, with an optional third language among Sanskrit, Punjabi, or Urdu.

The offering of rudimentary Sanskrit courses in many northern states is often seen as a way to fulfil the third-language requirement formally while side-stepping its spirit. In non-Hindi-speaking states, on the other hand, the three-language formula usually includes the regional language, Hindi, and English. Tamil Nadu is the only exception.

The NEP 2020 provides flexibility, allowing states and students to choose the three languages, with at least two being native to India. However, the implementation has faced challenges, including resource constraints, cultural resistance, and political tensions. Finding qualified teachers to offer instruction in languages not native to the state is not always easy.

Minister Pradhan is not wrong in arguing that learning Hindi could offer several advantages to a student anywhere in India, including Tamil Nadu. Fluency in Hindi can open up job opportunities nationwide in both the public and private sectors, as many employers across India value candidates who can communicate in Hindi, the country’s most widely-spoken language (but not, as it is mistakenly called, the 'national language': all the country’s 23 major languages are India’s national languages). Being able to speak Hindi enables students to communicate and interact more effectively with a larger population within India, if they are posted outside their states in Hindi-speaking regions.

Learning Hindi also offers insights into the rich cultural heritage of northern India, including literature, music, cinema, and popular traditions. Many national-level competitive exams in India, such as UPSC, SSC, and banking exams, also include Hindi as an optional language. Proficiency in Hindi can be advantageous for students aspiring to clear these exams.

But equally, when Chief Minister Stalin speaks for his state’s two-language formula that both safeguards Tamil linguistic heritage and promotes learning English, he also has a point. English is often considered the global language of business. Spoken as a second language by millions of people around the world, it enables communication across diverse cultures and countries. Fluency in English opens up international job opportunities and is essential for jobs in most multinational corporations. Knowledge of English allows access to a broader range of educational materials. A vast majority of academic literature, research papers, and online courses are available in English.

As for those with exam-related aspirations, many national and international competitive exams and higher education institutions use English as the medium of instruction or as a key component of the curriculum. And finally, in our increasingly globalised existence, English is widely understood in many parts of the world, making it easier for travellers to navigate and communicate in foreign countries. For all these reasons, the advantages of English are clear to a Tamil student in Chennai; if he has no plans to work in Hindi, he has little to gain from learning that language.

The debate, at the end of the day, cannot be resolved. The choice of which language(s) a state offers in its schools ultimately depends on political choices, individual goals, societal preferences, and available resources. As demographic trends have ensured the growing dominance of the Hindi-speaking population in India, Hindi has been spreading through the country through its adoption by Bollywood as the preferred vehicle of popular mass entertainment. As a result, many in non-Hindi speaking states have acquired a basic familiarity with the language even without having learned it in school. Amid the fraught contestations over federalism in India, it would be wise for the advocates of Hindi to let time take its course to propel Hindi to its seemingly inevitable triumph, rather than to force the issue and risk a backlash.

People learn languages because they are useful to them – to survive in some environments, to get jobs, to communicate with customers, or just to enjoy popular entertainment. Learning any new language enhances cognitive abilities and can improve confidence and adaptability, but if a language is taught indifferently to people who have no need to use it, it will not sink in and will essentially serve no purpose. The three-language formula was an excellent idea in our multi-lingual country, but it will only really work when students believe that all three languages will be useful to them and are therefore worth learning.

Ironically, increased migration from northern to southern states for work and education has led to a greater need for Hindi-speakers to learn southern languages – and often for their southern employers to master basic Hindi to communicate with them! Necessity is not just the mother of invention, but also the father of national integration. In 2019, Kerala’s school board exams in Malayalam were topped by Dilshad, the son of Bhutto Sajid, an illiterate Bihari migrant labourer. Overall, while Hindi serves as a link language in many parts of India, the importance of learning the local languages for effective communication and integration in the southern states cannot be avoided for those Hindiwallahs who come here. 

So Stalin and Pradhan are both right. Let’s call it a draw.